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😳 “By the late 1960s, highway construction was claiming 62,000 housing units nationwide each year, with the most significant impacts falling on Black neighborhoods.”

May 8, 2025, 10:06 PM

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    "text": "😳 “By the late 1960s, highway construction was claiming 62,000 housing units nationwide each year, with the most significant impacts falling on Black neighborhoods.”",
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          "alt": "264 | WHY NOTHING WORKS\nconclusion someone didn't like, courts could not unilaterally substitute their judgment. Route choices were the prerogatives of the lawmaking and policymaking branches of the government, not the branch charged with interpretation. And in McLean's estimation, New York State and the Bureau of Public Roads had, in fact, followed a reasonable proces in selecting I-87's route, so he had no grounds to set it aside. 6\nBut in rejecting the citizens' lawsuit, McLean's ruling also pointed the way for aggrieved parties like the Road Review League to utilize the courts more effectively. If the government hadn't followed the proper procedures-if, in exercising their discretion, policymakers had failed to weigh the relevant concerns properly, or had neglected to investigate the potentially adverse consequences, or had looked past impacts that should have been considered before making a decision-then a purportedly expert decision could be struck down. That sort of procedural oversight could well deem the government's decision \"arbitrary and capricious,\" to use the phrase from 1946's Administrative Procedure Act. In other words, ordinary citizens couldn't question an expert's discretion, but they could challenge the process the experts had used to come to their decisions.\" And that proved to be a revelation—a sliver of opportunity that opponents of various government decisions could use to wedge open closed Establishment-dominated decision-making.\nBy the late 1960s, highway construction was claiming 62,000 housing units nationwide each year, with the most significant impacts falling on Black neighborhoods.68 And while Hamiltonian voices were promising to build more housing to replace what had been lost through programs ranging from urban renewal to Rockefeller's prized Urban Development Corporation (see Chapter 6), reformers were more drawn to an alternative strategy. Far from wanting to transfer more power up to the likes of Lyndon Johnson or Nelson Rockefe…",
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